MENA Labor Migration Flows
By Alyssa Kristeller
It is estimated that about 13% of the world’s migrant workers are in Arab countries-- these workers make up 27% of the region’s population. Non-national migrant workers constitute an average of 70% of the workforce in the oil-rich Gulf countries that make up the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). However, not all countries in the MENA region import migrant workers. In fact, many simultaneously import and export workers from other countries in the region, as well as from Asia and Africa. While remittances, or payment, from abroad help strengthen the economies of labor-exporting countries and can mitigate poverty in countries with high-unemployment, migrant workers often face unsafe working conditions and exploitation by their host countries and employers. Data on labor migration in this region is scarce and based heavily on estimates, as many workers are undocumented. Trends in these data are also constantly changing, particularly in recent years due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
The Kafala System
The word Kafala (كفالة), which means “a guarantee”, is the verbal noun, known in Arabic as the Masdar (المصدر) of the verb ‘guaranteeing’, or ‘yakful’ (يكفل). In the context of the Kafala System, it means ‘sponsorship’. This refers to the economic and political mechanism of sponsoring foreign laborers for work permits in participating countries, including the GCC states, Jordan, and Lebanon. This system binds workers to their employers and leaves them vulnerable to exploitation and unsafe working conditions. While this applies to all migrant workers in these countries, it is especially consequential to women and migrants from South Asia and Africa who predominantly work in domestic settings and face higher costs to return to their home countries.
GCC
The GCC is made up of 6 countries: the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, and Kuwait. These countries have some of the highest GDP per capita in the world as a result of their control over some of the world’s most profitable oil fields. The GCC states have a high demand for labor-- especially in construction, hospitality, and domestic work sectors. The GCC states also tend to offer higher wages compared to other MENA countries. Foreign workers make up the majority of the population in Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, and the UAE-- most of whom are from other MENA countries, South Asia, and Africa. According to UN data from 2015, about 24% of migrant workers in the GCC states are from India, 18% are from other Arab countries, and 10% are from the Palestinian territories. The GCC countries are also planning for major projects in the near future, including the Riyadh Metro, sites for Expo Dubai 2020, and the Qatar 2022 World Cup. These projects and events will most likely increase the region’s demand for migrant workers in the construction and hospitality sectors.
Levant
The countries of the Levant vary in their importation and exportation of labor based mainly on conflict. Migrant workers make up much of the workforce in countries such as Jordan and Lebanon, which absorb refugees and migrants fleeing from civil wars and conflict in Syria, the Palestinian territories, and Iraq. These migrant workers mainly perform jobs in the labor-intensive, retail, and domestic work sectors which are generally undesirable to Jordanian and Lebanese nationals. While both Jordan and Lebanon have highly educated populations, there are limited domestic job opportunities to match the nations’ education levels. Therefore, citizens in these countries face high unemployment and seek employment elsewhere. This explains the phenomenon of both importing and exporting workers in these countries-- migrant workers and refugees fill domestic, labor-intensive positions, while Jordanians and Lebanese citizens migrate to the GCC states where they can be paid higher wages over a shorter period of time to perform labor-intensive jobs. Iraq, the second largest crude oil producer of the OPEC countries, was a popular destination for migrant workers from Bangladesh, however the COVID-19 pandemic and decreased demand for oil sent the country’s economy spiraling and left migrant workers at risk of unemployment. In the Levant countries especially, migrant workers’ rights often become political affairs. This phenomenon is illustrated by Sudanese workers protesting in Lebanon. Many of these workers are out of work due to the pandemic and growing instability in the country, and a large portion of these migrant workers are also trapped due to exploitation and costly exit prices that are imposed by the Kafala System.
North Africa
According to ILO data from 2017, migrants constitute only about 0.7% of the workforce in North African states. However, both male and female migrant workers in Northern Africa are more likely to be older-- age 65 and up, compared to migrant workers in Arab states, who tend to be younger or middle aged workers. This is likely due to the fact that the Arab states that host the most migrant workers are in need of work in labor-intensive sectors such as construction, whereas migrants in North African states are more likely to work in hospitality and domestic work sectors. Overall, the North African states take in fewer migrant workers than other Arab states, and workers from North Africa are more likely to migrate to both Arab and European countries. Egypt, for example, has much stricter laws pertaining to migrant workers in domestic settings, and therefore refugees and asylum seekers from other countries living in Egypt are more likely to be employed in domestic settings-- such as those from countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. However, a significant number of Egyptians work as migrants in other Arab countries, and Egypt leads the MENA region in recipients of remittances by total amount. Other North African countries, such as Morocco, similarly export more migrant workers than they import; however, many of these workers go to find work in Europe rather than Arab countries.